الرئيسية / مقالات وتقارير / تقرير الاستيطان / Colonial settlement’s Appropriations in Israel’s General Budget, & Smotrich’s tricks in managing Civil Administration

Colonial settlement’s Appropriations in Israel’s General Budget, & Smotrich’s tricks in managing Civil Administration

 

By: Madeeha Al-A’raj

The national Bureau for Defending Land and Resisting Settlements stated in its latest weekly report , that last Nov. the Israeli Gov’t held a meeting chaired by Netanyahu, in which it approved the 2025 State’s budgetat NIS 619 billionequivalent to US $171.56 billion, which is the highest in Israel’s history, compared to 2024 that was NIS 587.5 billion. The budget deficit was set at 4.3 percent of GDP i.e. an additional NIS 5.5 billion over the targeted deficit of 4%. The Israeli Knesset approved the budget law in its first reading last December amid disputes among the ruling coalition, but the Knesset is scheduled to vote in the second and third readings on the budget law, and then comes into effect.

The ‘Maariv Newspaper’ said that the approval of the 2025 budget law in the first reading in the Knesset was taken by a majority of 59 supporters (out of 120 in the Knesset) against 57 opponents, including members of the ‘Otzma Yehudit Pparty’ led by extremist National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir. In response, Smotrich wrote on his account on the ‘X’: ‘The Knesset approved in the first reading the budget that we submitted for 2025 even without me, who joined the Arab MKs and acting irresponsibly, endangering the right-wing government in the midst of the war.” He continued, adding: ‘In doing so, they are endangering a historic opportunity for the future of the settlements in Judea and Samaria (the Zionist name for the West Bank) and the State of Israel with the Trump administration is coming.

Noting that Smotrich links Ben-Gvir’s behavior with the future of the settlements, as the initial details regarding the settlement appropriations are limited that indicate the Settlement Ministry, headed by Orit Struck, the far-right from the ‘Otzma Yehudit Party’ headed by Itamar Ben-Gvir, received appropriations amounting to NIS 123,000,000, while the Ministry of Regional Cooperation, headed by David Amsalem from the ‘Likud Party’ received NIS 43,000,000.

As for the Heritage Ministry, headed by Amichai Eliyahu from the ‘Otzma Yehudit Party’ received NIS 71,000,000, while NIS 46,000,000s were allocated to the Ministry of Diaspora Affairs, headed by Amichai Chikli from the ‘Likud Party’. Besides, the government allocated NIS 28,000,000 to the Jerusalem Affairs Ministry, headed by Meir Porush from the ‘Yahodot Hatora Party’.

The Knesset’s approval of the general budget doesn’t mean that all of its items were clear, specifically things to settlement, as the size of the grants allocated to settlement activities is often hidden away, as they are distributed among many items in different ministries, starting with the Ministry of Army and Civil Administration ending with the Ministry of Heritage.. In 2021-2023, the government made more than one amendment to the general budget, as there were 8 amendments to the budget for regional government grants to the settlements. The government grants are provided to settlements under different names, including the ‘Oslo Grants’ that the settlements are receiving since the signing of the Oslo Accords under the slogan of ‘compensation’ for the agreement that the settlers opposed.

According to the original budget, an amount ranging from NIS 1.2 to 1.6 million was allocated annually, but in practice, the settlements receive an amount of NIS 17.6 million or 11 times the original budget. There are security grants that have existed at least since 2015 and under security pretexts. Practically, the settlements don’t spend any money on security needs. The original amounts for this item in the years 2021-2023 ranged between NIS 7.4 – 10.1 million, but in practice, the government allocated to the settlements during the mentioned period between NIS 35.5 – 39.2 million or about 5.4 times the original budget,

Besides the aforementioned security grants, the government provides a one-time security grant called “one-time grants” that are not mentioned in the original budget, which has been provided to the settlements since 2015 and amounted to 34 million shekels annually and was doubled in 2023 to NIS 76.8 million. There are also grants to develop the so-called ‘young settlements’ which first appeared in 2017, where the concept is used as an alternative to naming illegal settlement outposts. The grants were provided without conditions specifying how they would be spent, and amounted to NIS 6 million in 2020, about NIS 83 million in 2021, and about NIS 16 million in 2023, while the Israeli Ministry of Finance didn’t publish data of 2024.

Details are many on the 2025 budget allocated to settlement plans and projects, but what is clear here is that it will far exceed what was allocated to it in the budgets of previous years, if we take into account Israel’s economic plan for 2025, which the occupation government approved on October 31, 2024, in what is known as the ‘Economic Arrangements Law,’ which reveals the hidden annexation plan for the West Bank. The “Economic Arrangements Law” includes a number of measures that consolidate the occupation’s grip on the occupied Palestinian territories and enhance the steps to annex the West Bank, and require doubling the size of government spending in this regard, such as establishing Israeli power stations and solar energy fields in the West Bank, establishing urban transportation authorities, increasing the number of places for Israeli students at Ariel University, which is built on Palestinian land in the northern West Bank, and other steps and arrangements.

Lastyear’s budget, the occupation government allocated huge sums to complete a number of main bypass roads to divert settler movement away from Palestinian towns and villages. The new year’s budget allocations will see settlements receive a generous share in the ‘Economic Arrangements Law’ in light of the occupation government’s decision to build power plants and solar energy projects in the West Bank. It has directed work to grant the necessary licenses to produce electricity through two power plants, with a total capacity of no less than 1,300 megawatts.

According to the ‘Israel Hayom Newspaper’, there are seven potential sites for power plants in the West Bank under study, and the areas are: Jabal al-Muqattam west of Ramallah; the planned industrial zone ‘Bustani Hefetz’ near Tulkarm, the planned industrial zone ‘Nahal Raba’ south of Qalqilya; the Tarqumiya area west of Hebron, the Nabi Musa area south of Jericho, and the Mehola area in the northern Jordan Valley. In addition, the Israeli government announced that the 200 hectares of land it plans to allocate for solar energy fields will not necessarily be concentrated in one place, but may be spread throughout Area C.

Within the same context, Smotrich threatened last Sunday in a speech he gave during a meeting of the Civil Administration’s Law Enforcement Unit that the year 2025 will be the first year since 1967 in which his state will destroy more Palestinian buildings than they build, and that his government will continue to do so with all its might, and that it will work to strengthen the demolition operations and prevent Palestinian construction in the areas controlled by Israel, and that the 2025 budget will include a significant increase in the resources allocated for demolition operations, by strengthening the workforce, purchasing new equipment, and developing modern technologies to monitor Palestinian construction.

He stressed that the matter isn’t limited to pursuing what he claimed was ‘illegal’ construction, but also includes a complete ban on Palestinian construction and restoring Israeli control over the land, as control over the land is the essence of the conflict, and whoever controls the land determines its future.

The Israeli government also decided to establish an authority affiliated with the Ministry of Transportation to organize public transportation in the various urban areas of the occupying state. Although the urban areas in question are not in the West Bank, the authority may add to its management lines that pass through areas adjacent to them, and therefore this part allows for the inclusion of transportation lines in the settlements, especially near the city of Jerusalem, under the management of the Israeli urban city, according to the Peace Now organization.

According to the organization, the decision seeks to include the settlements subject to the Jerusalem Urban Transportation Authority in the future as well. Article 7 of the government decision stipulates: ‘Instructing the Ministries of Transportation, Finance, Interior, Justice and the Army to study a legal plan for implementing urban arrangements also with regard to the local authorities in Judea and Samaria i.e. ‘West Bank’ that are part of the Jerusalem urban area in the transportation aspect.’

In addition to all this, the so-called Israeli Ministerial Committee for Legislation approved last week in a preliminary reading a bill that aims to change the name of the ‘West Bank’ in legislation to ‘Judea and Samaria.’ The Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee is expected to hold a session to put the final touches on a bill that would impose restrictions on any possible withdrawal of the occupation from the West Bank, in preparation for presenting it for a vote in a first reading in the Knesset plenum.

The law – initiated by the committee chairman, Simcha Rothman of the Religious Zionism party and a Knesset pressure group called ‘Eretz Israel’ that works in partnership with the Yesha Settlement Council – aims to: thwart efforts to establish a Palestinian state, by obtaining the Israeli government support of 80 Knesset members or hold a popular referendum before transferring any land to a ‘foreign entity.’ The law also seeks to expand the scope of the ‘referendum’ to include the West Bank, after it was previously limited to areas located within the Green Line, besides imposing restrictions on any administrative changes in the West Bank, such as converting areas ‘C’ to ‘A’ or granting the Palestinian Authority any powers.

On another level, on 11thof this month, the occupation authorities issued 6 military orders, by the Custodian of State Property and Absentee Property, an officer in the Civil Administration of the occupation army, stipulated the seizure of areas amounting to more than 16,200 dunams of land classified as ‘state property’ and ‘absentee property’ to protect settlements!!! and lands designated for pastoral settlement. The Civil Administration officer frequently issues such orders to allocate lands under the name of ‘temporary use’ for various purposes, e.g. expanding the influence of settlements, for example, but this is the first time that orders have been issued to allocate lands for the purpose of pastorals.

The lands for which orders were issued for ‘grazing purposes’ are distributed between Tubas, in the northern Jordan Valley, with 8,700 dunums, Ghor al-Far’a, with 426 dunums, Deir-Ballut, in the Salfeet Governorate, and al-Lubban al-Gharbi in the Ramallah and al-Bireh Governorates with 2,600 dunums, and two orders targeting the lands of Deir-Jarir and Kafr Malik, east of Ramallah, with more than 4,500 dunums in the area called Shfa al-Ghor, which is considered a strategic area as it overlooks the Jordan Valley.

In the Deir-Jarir town, for example, the residents have been confined for more than two years to the residential area due to settlements, outposts, and so-called pastoral farms. The settlers have seized more than 2600 dunams after they established a settlement outpost on Jabal al-Shorfa, east of the town, and are preventing the residents from accessing a larger area, and in the western area of ​​the village, there is another pastoral outpost between Deir Jarir and Silwad, and the latest military order came to establish a fait accompli imposed by the settlers under the protection of the occupation army. However, the latest decision to allocate lands for settler grazing came on part of private lands that are not classified as state lands or absentee property.

The allocation of large areas of land for the benefit of ‘pastoral farms’ goes hand in hand with a trick resorted to by the ‘Supreme Planning Council’ in the Civil Administration and reflects a new approach to expanding construction projects in existing settlements after Smotrich, in agreement with the regional councils of the settlements and the Council of Settlements in the West Bank ‘Yesha’, transformed the council’s meetings from being held at spaced intervals, every three to four months, to weekly meetings. Smotrich’s team in the Supreme Planning Council, like the Council of Settlements, works like night thieves to circumvent international criticism of the large tenders by dividing the process into weekly installment tenders, in a trick that distances the occupying state from such criticism.

The Planning Council and the Settlements Council held a meeting on Dec. 4, 2024to advance the construction of 274 settlement units inElon Moreh – 83 advanced units in Mitzpe Yishai – 79 advanced units in  Ma’ale Amos – 112 advanced units. On Dec. 11, 2024, to advance the construction of 227 settlement units in Telem – 196, in Eli – 21 advanced units, and in Givat Ze’ev – 10 approved units. On Dec. 18, 2024, to advance the construction of 286 settlement units, distributed over Eli – 118 advanced units, Nofim – 168 advanced units.

On Dec. 25, 2024, to advance the construction of 198 settlement units, in Givat Ze’ev and about 5 advanced units in Etz Efraim – and about 192 units advanced in Eli Zahav and on Jan. 1, 2025, to advance 765 settlement units, Beitar Illit – 765 units approved for construction and on January 8, 2025, to advance 448 settlement units in Kokhav Ya’akov – one unit advanced, Givat Binyamin – 356 units approved, Karnei Shomron – 68 units approved, and Beitar Illit – 23 units advanced. Thus, what used to be accomplished in the spaced-out meetings of the Supreme Planning Council of the Civil Administration and provoked international reactions and protests is now accomplished in installments in weekly meetings without provoking such reactions and protests.

List of Israeli Assaults over the Last Week Documented by the National Bureau:

Jerusalem:

  • Storming the neighborhoods of the town of Issawiya in Jerusalem, and spread out in its streets and their entrances, bulldozed a plot of land and demolished the pergola belonging to citizen Farouk Mustafa.
  • Confiscating a vehicles in the Mukaber town, demolished 4 houses belonging to the brothers Ali, Amin, Hamed and Moh’d Halsa, as well as two barns for sheep and a room.
  • Bulldozing a land belonging to the brothers Suleiman and Afif Askar, fired sound bombs at the citizens in the Hizma town.
  • Warning by the Armenian Patriarchate in East Jerusalem last Wednesday of Israel’s intention to confiscate its properties in the city, claiming that it has accumulated debts that it described as ‘astronomical and illegal’ since 1994. The Patriarchate submitted a petition in an attempt to stop the seizure of real estate properties that the Patriarchate has owned for centuries, to collect the arnona ‘municipal tax’ debts that have allegedly accumulated since 1994.

Hebron:

  • Poisoning areas of pastoral land in Masafer Yatta, killed 26 sheep belonging to Naim Ibrahim Barqan, planted trees in the lands of Khirbet Aqwawis to seize them, others planted trees in Khirbet Um al-Khair and raised the flags of the occupying state. Attacking the house of Issa Awad and beaten his children.
  • Raiding theUm al-Khair village and demolished 3 houses belonging to citizens Ammar Shuaib al-Hathalin, Fatima Ali al-Maazi and Hamid Shuaib al-Hathalin. They also demolished a house belonging to citizen Fadl Ismail al-Najjar in the village of Shaab al-Batm and raided the village of al-Tuwana and demolished 3 houses belonging to citizens Fadi, Ahmed and Khaled al-Amour.
  • Demolishing a 160m2house belonging to citizen Adel Ghaith in Khallet Al-Eidah. At the same time, they used their heavy machinery to destroy agricultural lands and stone chains in the Farsh Al-Hawa area, belonging to the Al-Zughayer family.

Bethlehem:

  • Attacking citizens’ lands and began planting olive saplings in the Al-Minya desert, on an area estimated at hundreds of dunams, which is a nature reserve in Area B.
  • Destroying the drinking water network in the ‘Deir Alla’ area in the Kisan desert, which benefits 15 families.
  • Injuring 15 citizens in an attack by settlers on the Al-Minya desert, where they attacked citizens in the areas of Al-Hijaz, Wadi Al-Abyad, and Fateh Sadruh in the desert, with sticks, rifle butts, tear gas canisters, and pepper.
  • Burning 2 vehicles, destroyed several other vehicles and solar panels, and destroyed the contents of tents and barracks in the Al-Kabarat area west of the Nahalin town, and uprooted dozens of olive and almond saplings.

Ramallah:

  • Attacking the Um Safa village, and opened fire on citizens and their homes.
  • Establishing a new outpost and set up tents and mobile homes ‘caravans’ on private lands in the Al-Ulya area, Deir-Dibwan, under the protection of the occupation forces.
  • Destroying agricultural property in the Beit-Elo village after they infiltrated the land of citizen Mah’d Radwan and his sons in the Ein al-Zarqa reserve in the village after cutting the barbed wires. They burned four pumps that distribute water to about 200 cultivated dunams, vandalized greenhouses, and wrote hostile slogans.

Nablus:

  • Attacking citizens’ homes in the Jaloud village amid heavy gunfire, and tried to burn a house, which led to the outbreak of confronts. To the east of the Za’tara junction, settlers established a new settlement outpost on Beita lands, while others cut down dozens of almond seedlings.
  • Destroying a water pump that was used to provide irrigation water to large areas of land in the Masoudiya area.
  • Vandalizing a water well in the Beit-Dajan village, and tried to attack greenhouses, but the presence of citizens on their farms and the citizens’ uprising prevented them from continuing their attacks.
  • Attacking houses and properties of the citizens in thevillages of Doma, Aqraba and Jurish, south of Nablus. They attacked poultry farms after removing and breaking their doors, and they also smashed the windows of cars and homes and stole dozens of sheep.
  • Confiscating a plot of land to pave a new settlement road northwest of Nablus and delivered a notice to seize the plot of land from the lands of Sebastia, Naqoura and Deir Sharaf .

Salfeet:

  • Seizing a concrete mixer and pump while working in a citizen’s house in the Haris village, and forced its owner to empty the concrete load on the ground.
  • Expelling 3 farmers from their lands in the western valley in the Deir-Istiya village,confiscated a number of ladders, scissors and saws under the pretext of lack of coordination.

Tulkarem:

  • Firinglive ammunition inthe Ramin Plain, east of Tulkarm, while they were. Noting that the Ramin Plain area exposed to repeated attacks by settlers, starting from a settlement outpost in which a settler family resides, which has seized a large area of ​​the plain’s lands, and attack and expel farmers while they are on their lands at gunpoint.

Jordan Valley:

  • Attacking citizens’ lands in the northern Jordan Valley, where they fenced off the land of Salem Abdul Rahim Abu Mohsen in Wadi Al-Faw and planted it with olive trees, in an attempt to seize it.
  • Paving a 3km settlement road extends from the main street to a settlement outpost near Um Al-Jimal in the northern Jordan Valley.
  • Grazing their sheep on citizens’ lands under the protection of occupation soldiers in the Al-Auja Spring area, others began expanding one of the settlement outposts near the Tayasir Checkpoint east of Tubas, about 200m. to the northeast of the checkpoint, where they set up 3 tents and 3 caravans. The settlers had established a new settlement outpost near the checkpoint about twenty days ago and began expanding it.

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